Who is the father of Constitution?

Constitución de 1975

Este artículo pretende demostrar que la Constitución de 1917 fue una propuesta planteada por Venustiano Carranza y su círculo más cercano de colaboradores civiles. Primero tuvieron que separarse de la Constitución de 1857, que fue la bandera original de su lucha. Después tendrían que encontrar el momento más adecuado para convocar a un Congreso Constituyente que redactara la nueva Constitución. Obviamente, el tema fundamental fue elegir a las personas más idóneas para la tarea: los Constituyentes con experiencia legislativa y cercanos a Carranza. Además, el artículo describe los pasos que siguieron Carranza y sus seguidores para mantener el control y el mando sobre el Congreso Constituyente, quienes estaban empeñados en evitar que se repitiera la experiencia de la fallida Convención. De hecho, las similitudes y características compartidas entre la mayoría de los representantes explican la ausencia de grandes debates y de votaciones mayoritarias e incluso unánimes para muchos artículos. Finalmente, analizando sociológicamente al grupo de diputados constituyentes, concluyo que en Querétaro se produjo un proceso de cambio sociohistórico: si los sectores populares rurales habían acabado con el Antiguo Régimen, los creadores del nuevo Estado mexicano pertenecían a las clases medias urbanas.

How the Spanish constitution was drafted

Belonging to Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD), at the time of the drafting of the Constitution, he was a deputy for the former party and Director General of Assistance and Social Services in the Ministries of the Interior and Health, positions he held until 1979.

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In 1989 he changed formation, became deputy for Zaragoza as a member of the Partido Popular, where he occupied a seat in Congress as a member of its National Executive Committee. Since 2004 he was third vice-president of the Congress. He died on July 27, 2007, after a serious illness.

He was a member of the Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) at the time the Magna Carta was drafted. It is worth mentioning his presence in academic life, either as a collaborator of the Menéndez Pelayo International University or as a member of the Royal Academy of Moral and Political Sciences. He is currently a permanent member of the Council of State.

When he helped draft the Constitution he was deputy for Madrid for Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD). After the 1979 elections he became Minister of the Presidency, leaving political life in 1982 when he decided to focus on his profession, a lawyer. He died on March 6, 2019.

How many articles does the Spanish Constitution have

Ponciano Arriaga was born on November 19, 1811 in San Luis Potosí. He was a Mexican constituent lawyer, of liberal and federalist tendency, who supported the government of Benito Juarez and fought against Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna[1].

In 1843, Arriaga was elected deputy to the Congress of the Union, and also in 1846. At the time of the American invasion, he distinguished himself for his activity in sending supplies and emoluments to the Mexican army in Coahuila and Nuevo Laredo[2].

For his social and agrarian ideas, which he expressed in Voto particular sobre la propiedad de la tierra, and his defense of the project for the Constitution of 1857, where he was one of the main drafters, he was called Father of the Constitution[7].

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Ponciano Arriaga died on July 12, 1865. Porfirio Díaz ordered in 1900 to transfer his remains to the Rotonda de los Hombres Ilustres, and to inscribe his name with golden letters in the Congress’ session hall[8].

Referendum on the Spanish constitution

They also refuse that the President appoints a commission of experts to use a text as a working basis. They consider that the Constitution must begin to be formed already in the Cortes and be conceived by the representatives of the people.

Alliances and tensionsWhen the second reading of the text begins, there are already 168 private votes of the rapporteurs and more than 3,000 amendments to the draft. The game of alliances that seeks to achieve victories in the votes begins. UCD, which is the largest group, begins to suffer internal dissensions.

Tension was palpable. In the first days of March, the Socialist Gregorio Peces-Barba left the work in protest against two amendments presented by the UCD. In reality, what he seeks is to prevent the centrist party from achieving all its objectives by means of ‘mechanical majorities’, that is to say, with its three votes plus that of a circumstantial ally. They all pull on the rope but without breaking it.

On May 17, the PSOE again protested energetically against a UCD amendment which introduced the possibility of suspending certain rights and liberties if the occasion required it. Alfonso Guerra went so far as to say that the Constitution was going to be “reactionary” and Felipe González that “the consensus had been broken”. It is a critical moment in the process that will mean a change in the modus operandi of the drafting of the text.

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